On the Palestinian Authority and its Security Forces
by Jonathan Kuttab
The Israeli government just announced a number of sanctions against the Palestinian Authority (PA) in response to its championing of a request for an Advisory Opinion from the International Court of Justice in The Hague. When told such sanctions could weaken and maybe lead to the collapse of the PA, Israeli Minister Bezalel Smotrich replied that he does not care about the PA.
What, I ask, should be FOSNA’s position on the PA and its leader Mahmoud Abbas?
The Palestinian Authority was created by the Oslo Peace Process in 1994.
The expectation was that it would form the nucleus of a Palestinian State, but the price paid by the PLO for that promise was hefty. Yasser Arafat agreed:
to abandon the Palestinian claim over 78% of Palestine and Israel’s Arab citizens,
to abandon the armed struggle,
to neglect the diaspora Palestinians,
to postpone action on refugees, Jerusalem, the settlements, and borders,
and to commit to a process whereby he would share control over the West Bank and Gaza with Israel while gradually expanding his authority and building trust, leading towards a final peace agreement and Palestinian statehood.
As a result, Arafat was yoked unequally to the Israeli power structure. With the West Bank split into three sections, his official authority was limited to Area A while he took responsibility for the civilian needs of Palestinians in Areas A and B (and oftentimes C) without actually being given any real authority. The PA was also required to establish a “strong police force,” charged with controlling its own population through “security coordination” with Israel.
This was supposed to be an Interim Agreement while slowly expanding Areas A and B and increasing the sectors under the authority of the PA, eventually leading to statehood within a maximum of 5 years.
In reality, particularly after the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, the authority and powers of the PA shrank considerably while Israeli demands upon it increased. Israel refused to abide by its own obligations under the Oslo Agreement (such as allowing free passage between Gaza and the West Bank, treating the two as a “single territorial unit,” and allowing fishing for up to 12 miles at sea, etc.) while it insisted upon full Palestinian compliance. Israel demanded not only security cooperation but forbearance on the seeking of a resolution outside the framework of the Oslo Agreement, even when the “peace process” was hopelessly moribund. It became harder and harder for the PA to fulfill the role of standard bearer for Palestinian nationalism, as it was called upon to be more and more ruthless in preventing the national aspirations of its own people—under the cynical guise of “fighting terrorism.” Successive Israeli governments were fully aware that for the PA to play the “security” role assigned to it, it was necessary for the PA to maintain a modicum of credibility as representative and standard bearer of Palestinian national aspirations. The mirage that is the goal of a Palestinian state to come had to be sustained.
All the while, a large security force of about 80,000 persons was created. It was trained by US General Keith Dayton and funded by European donor money as well as Palestinian tax revenue. It was a huge financial and administrative burden, but it buttressed the power of the PA primarily over its own people. Essentially, PA security forces were called upon to play the same role as drones do in the siege of Gaza: enforce occupation policies with a minimum of direct Israeli human involvement.
This balancing act became less and less tenable as settlements expanded and settler violence increased, while PA forces stepped aside or stood by helplessly, sometimes even being attacked themselves by Israeli soldiers and settlers. They could not defend their own people, as they had no authority to do so. Israeli forces increasingly encroached on their functions in Area A, carrying out activities like assassinations, imprisonment, house demolitions, and even removing Palestinian flags from places where settlers passed (as in Huwara). Palestinians had to question what was the role and purpose of these forces, and who they work to protect anyway. For its part, the PA government was in an even worse position: they were not even allowed to financially support the families of Palestinian prisoners and those killed by Israel or to adequately defend Palestinian positions internationally. When the PA was pressured by its own people and Palestinian civil society to appeal to the international community, it faced the full wrath of the Israeli government, which imposed additional restrictions on it and threatened even more.
The newly elected Israeli government contains elements that are openly hostile to the Oslo process and to the PA itself which they consider not as a useful tool but an implacable enemy. Against the advice of both the Israeli army and the US government, which fully understand the need to strengthen the PA in order for it to perform its assigned role, some elements in the new government openly seek its collapse.
For those interested in peace and justice, like FOSNA, the role of the PA has always been ambiguous. Many have supported the PA as a hopeful nucleus for Palestinian statehood, seeing the need to strengthen it as a precursor to a two-state solution. It certainly provides services to the Palestinians, though it did not do much to advance the political goal of independence and self-determination (especially after refusing to allow elections last year). Now that the bubble of possible statehood has burst, it seems that the PA is being pushed to cross over from existing as an ineffective locus of leadership for the Palestinian people to an outright tool of the Israeli occupation and an impediment to just peace.
In a way, it is a welcome reminder for all of us to always remember our root values and not put much faith in any particular political structure—be it Palestinian, Israeli, American, or otherwise. In imitation of the biblical prophets and the crucified messiah, our true loyalty belongs to God alone and not to any particular state, nation, tribe, people group, race, religion, or ideological system that would inappropriately demand our full allegiance. And, our critique falls upon all who for whatever reason would seek to harm their human siblings, fellow bearers of the divine image. The goals we strive for include self-determination, human rights and human dignity, justice and fairness. We support nonviolent resistance and a respect for international law and institutions. We believe in the need to dismantle oppressive structures of tyranny and apartheid. To the extent that the PA, or any organization, advances these goals, it merits our support. To the extent that it or any other system fails to do so, it does not deserve our support and rightly invites our critique. This certainly applies to the PA, even if there are those who feel the need to support it and view it as the representative of the Palestinian people.
From all of us at FOSNA, we declare just how deeply grateful and humbled we are as a result of your amazing solidarity and profound generosity during our 2022 Christmas Appeal. Amidst a season of economic uncertainty, your steadfast commitment to liberation, justice, and peace enabled us to meet our year end goal! Because of you, the work of FOSNA goes on, as we:
Call attention to the violent realities of Israeli apartheid and its catastrophic impact on Palestinian lives and communities.
Declare and embody a prophetic message for the churches in America, confronting destructive ideologies and promoting theologies of liberation, justice, and peace.
Support the essential work of the Sabeel movement for Palestinian liberation, in Jerusalem and all Palestine!
Together, we continue in our mission to liberate religion from those who misuse it to justify oppression and dispossession. Once again, we wish you and everybody within and beyond the Holy Land an absolutely blessed 2023!
Updates
#StandWithShadi
An update on Shadi Khoury from his mother, Rania Elias:
Nothing was discussed in court, It was a technical discussion, even through we expected a discussion of the indictment it did not happen.
Then a new court session was set for January 30, 2023 at 3:00 pm. As well as Court sessions were scheduled for May 16, May 21, and May 30, from 9 am to 5 pm.
What the lawyers expect is the real discussion of the case, accusations, and indictment will be in May. They will bring investigators as well. And a decision will be made.
Shadi will remain on house arrest but another court relate to house arrest will be in February 20th and we will request to give him a permission to go to school at least.
We call on you to demand all allegations and charges against him are dropped and for an unconditional release of Shadi without house arrest so he can return to school and a normal life.
Please take time immediately to write or call your legislators requesting that they demand Israeli officials to drop all charges and declare him innocent.
#Justice4Halabi
Khalil El-Halabi has recently shared an important update on his son, Palestinian prisoner and humanitarian Mohammed El-Halabi:
For the first time: a Palestinian prisoner is among the 50 Arab distinguished characters for the year 2023!
The Cairo-based Arab Gathering for International Peace, Media, and Human Rights (AGIPMHR) recently launched its online competition for the year 2023 in order to select the 50 most prominent persons of note in the Arab world, persons who have a proven track record of achievement in terms of community contributions, volunteerism, excellence, influence, creativity and inspiration.
Mohammed Khalil El-Halabi, who has been unjustly and illegally detained for 12 years by the Israeli authorities was selected among the fifty distinguished. Incredibly, his candidacy was received with a warm and unique welcome. It was met with remarkable and intense support from Palestinian and Arab citizens from all Arab countries given the special status of the Palestinian cause in general and prisoners in particular among Arab public opinion, where prisoners constitute special icons of freedom and act as a symbol of justice and peace.
It is worth noting that the list of nominees for the award included the most prominent, inspiring, and record-breaking academics, artists, creators, media figures, jurists, judges, and doctors, both men and women.
Get Involved!
We invite you to join us in the following events and activities:
January 15: Online
Is Israel an Apartheid State?
Join Voices For the Holy Land's January Film Salon on January 15 at 12pm PT / 3pm ET.
Does Israel’s treatment of Palestinians constitute a form of apartheid–the systematic segregation and discrimination of a population on the basis of race, first put into place in South Africa? Such is the claim of the UN, Amnesty International, B’Tselem, Human Rights Watch, and journalists from a range of media. The International Criminal Court has labeled apartheid “a crime against humanity.” Two short documentary films explore the separate and distinct laws, physical infrastructure, civil systems and military enforcement applied to Palestinians in Israel and in the occupied territories. If this is apartheid, what is the authority of the UN and the ICC to adjudicate Israel’s violation of international law? Israel’s newly elected right-wing government promises more extreme forms of discrimination, exclusion, and violence directed at Palestinian citizens of Israel and in the occupied territories.
Watch the film for free at your convenience | Join the Q&A Discussion with an expert panel.
Saleh Hijazi: Former Deputy Regional Direct - MENA at Amnesty International
Michael Lynk: Author, Associate Professor of Law at Western University, former UNHCR Special Rapporteur for Palestinian Territories
Edwin Arrison: Anglican Priest, Development Officer - Desmond & Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation
Jonathan Kuttab (moderator): Attorney, author, Exec. Dir. Friends of Sabeel North America
Watch the Trailer: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dnoNjmg9qps
January 25: Online
Boulder-Nablus Sister City Project Presents: "Book Discussion: Beyond the Two-State Solution with Jonathan Kuttab"
Join Boulder-Nablus Sister City Project and Jonathan Kuttab for an online book discussion of “Beyond the Two-State Solution” by Jonathan Kuttab on January 25 at 6:00pm MT via Zoom.
Get your free electronic copy of “Beyond the Two-State Solution” at JonathanKuttab.org
Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center, Jerusalem:
Weekly
Sabeel Prayer Service. Join Sabeel every Thursday (6pm Jerusalem) for online Bible Study, discussion, and prayer. Examine scripture in light of the ongoing realities confronting the Palestinian Church and the pursuit of Palestinian liberation.
Wave of Prayer. Subscribe to receive Sabeel's Wave of Prayer, enabling friends of Sabeel around the world to pray over issues of critical concern to the Holy Land on a weekly basis.
Kumi Now! (Week 2) Doing Business While Palestinian. We begin our year by looking ahead to Martin Luther King Jr. Day, observed the third Monday of each year, and remembering his immortal words “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” It is a powerful reminder of why the occupation of Palestine should matter to everyone, regardless of where they live around the globe.
The first injustice we address is the ability of Palestinians to participate in the business and labor market. If you exchange presents around the end of the year, you might be reading this on that new iPad you’ve been wanting. But take a moment and consider where the gifts you’re given and the products you buy come from, and all of the agreements and partnerships that must occur for goods to move around the world in the 21st century. And then read about how the occupation of Palestine makes it difficult for all Palestinian businesses, from family-owned farms to the latest idea of an entrepreneur, to participate in that global marketplace. Here’s what you need to know about running a business while Palestinian and what you can do so that together we can rise up.